More Recovered: A Review of Recent Historical Literature on Evangelicalism in the Late Victorian Era

In 1964 Henry May published "The Recovery of American Religious History" in the American Historical Review. May chronicled the rapid increase in religious historical scholarship since the 1930s and discussed the circumstances surrounding the upsurge. May posited that both the turn to neo-orthodoxy among intellectuals and theologians and the religious revival of the post-World War II era spawned renewed interest in the history of American religion. No longer the sole province of denominations and sects, religious history in this thirty-year span was fueled by the impeccable work of scholars like Perry Miller, William Warren Sweet, Sidney Mead, Timothy Smith, Sydney Ahlstrom, and Edwin S. Gaustad. [1] For the most part, however, the recovery May described was limited to the history of American Protestantism in and before the Antebellum era. The studies of these first generation scholars inspired countless reappraisals and revisions within the American religious history profession. And today there is an abundance of studies on groups that received little attention previously. Histories of Mormonism, Catholicism, and Judaism continue to multiply as well as studies on the religious lives of women, African-Americans, and other minorities. The application of new methodologies and themes is an equally impressive development since May's essay. [2]

One of the more stimulating and promising areas of this new scholarship is the study of conservative "evangelicalism." [3] This is a sub-field that was nearly non-existent when May's article appeared. Twenty years after May's piece, Leonard I. Sweet published a copiously annotated essay assessing the rise of historical studies on evangelicalism. Looking at works published since 1970, Sweet examined developments in the study of the Great Awakening, revivalism and reform (with close attention to the flurry of scholarship since Whitney Cross's work on the burned over district), southern religion, slave religion, millennialism, women and evangelicalism, and fundamentalism. [4] Sweet showed that as evangelical history began to take shape its practitioners made use of the new social history and broke with the once dominant institutional or denominational history model.

But for all of the progress made in the field, Sweet found gaps in the scope of study. "In sum," Sweet contended, "studies in the late Victorian era are our weakest links in reconstructing the evangelical tradition in America." According to Sweet, one reason this area remained understudied resulted from scholars' abhorrence for the conservative evangelicalism of this period. [5] From 1880-1930 evangelicals allied themselves with big business, turned to a pessimistic, premillenial theology, and became increasingly hostile to social reform. This transformation, often called the "great reversal," placed evangelicals outside the purview of American historians, who viewed evangelicals as a retrogressive, unseemly curiosity. [6] But even more likely a reason for the oversight is American historians' inability to fit religion into the narrative of modern America. John T. McGreevy argues that because historians' primary narratives for analyzing the post Civil War era have either been political (the triumph of a liberal, activist government) or organizational (the bureaucratization of American life), religion remained epiphenomenal. [7]

Things are beginning to change. In the sixteen years since Sweet's essay appeared, a number of historians have tackled the story of evangelicalism in the late nineteenth century. Their studies have focused on the theological and cultural roots of fundamentalism, the shift in evangelicals' group identity, the rise of Holiness-Pentecostalism, the merging of popular culture and evangelicalism, and the gender and racial ideologies of evangelicals. Consequently the work done on late nineteenth century evangelicalism since the early eighties is beginning to fill in the gap Sweet described.

What is to account for the increase in evangelical studies? Since the 1970s, says Anne C. Loveland, evangelical Christianity has emerged into a position of respect and power. Endowments which fund research on the history of conservative Christianity, such as the Lilly Endowment and the Pew Fund, are giving ever-larger sums to support scholarship on evangelicalism. At the same time, historians and social scientists began to create scholarly networks which facilitated evangelical studies. Since the 1960s, publications like Fides et Historia, First Things, The Evangelical Studies Bulletin, and The Wesleyan Theological Journal have catered to the interests of evangelicals engaged in critical historical enquiry. In addition to this, the exploding of secularization theory in the 1970s and 1980s continues to challenge the myth that America is becoming increasingly irreligious. [8]

Most importantly, however, is the new work of historians rooted in the evangelical tradition. Their studies have thrust evangelical history into a "front-rank position within scholarship on American religious history generally." These scholars provide a self-understanding to their traditions by historicizing its past. As Mark Noll and others observe, they offer a kind of "believing criticism," employing "critical perspectives on traditions they take seriously." [9] The changing world of the academy is slowly accommodating to this new approach. Hence, George Marsden argues that the study of evangelical history is amenable to the imperatives of postmodern theory. With a recognition of the relative legitimacy of narrative world views, evangelicalism, and other conservative movements, are no less worthy of study than liberal, progressive social movements. [10]

But this is no narrow confessional history. These new evangelical scholars, as well as other historians of evangelicalism, are committed to situating evangelicalism within the larger culture. They examine how late nineteenth century evangelicals reflected and stimulated the changing culture around them, thereby questioning the insider/outsider motif. They attempt to understand the extent to which evangelicals borrowed from popular culture. And they investigate whether the racial and gender norms of evangelicals differed from those of in the broader culture.

The first stages of this inquiry came as scholars peered deeper into the roots of fundamentalism. These studies made swift revisions of earlier views. Was fundamentalism the last gasp of a dying conservative and out-of-touch tradition? Was H. L. Mencken right when he dubbed fundamentalism the comic ghost of America's past? Were consensus scholars justified in consigning fundamentalism to the ash heap of American archaisms? [11] Ernest Sandeen and later George Marsden crafted well documented research that answered these questions with a resounding No. Fundamentalism was not an outsider tradition at odds with American culture, but was steeped in long-standing American religious and cultural traditions. Sandeen posited that fundamentalism arose through a merger of Princeton Seminary theology-supporting an inerrant Bible-and nineteenth century premillennial visions of Christ's second coming. [12] Marsden added that the movement was also driven by anti-modernism and anti-revolutionary thought. At the same time, said Marsden, fundamentalism was well grounded in a Baconian, Scottish Common Sense tradition that had long thrived on American soil. [13]

More recently, scholars have picked up on these philosophical and cultural underpinnings of both fundamentalism and conservative, non-fundamentalist varieties of late nineteenth century evangelicalism. Mark Noll proposes that Scottish Common Sense philosophy was one of the rudimentary idioms of American evangelical thought. Popular evangelical leaders, Noll submits, "have been content with a pragmatic, common-sensical acceptance of the reality of the external world, and have not been troubled by the arguments of idealists, historicists, or sociologists of knowledge." This tradition provided solace to evangelicals who felt besieged by the rapid social and religious changes occurring in late nineteenth century America. According to Noll, for common sense evangelicals the Bible was a storehouse of indisputable precepts and facts. History and science were only useful insofar as they charted God's providential work. Both Noll and Michael Gauvreau demonstrate the distinctiveness of American evangelicals on this point. What set conservative evangelicals apart from their coreligionists in America and Great Britain was that they clung to Common Sense philosophy long after "the larger culture had dismissed [it]." [14]

Historians are beginning to trace evangelicals' responses to the various cultural and religious crises they experienced during the late nineteenth century. As Martin Marty notes, the onslaught of evolutionism, Biblical criticism, big business, and an increase in immigration all wreaked havoc on evangelical consensus. Divisions came, Marty explains, in the form of "conservative" versus "liberal," "traditional" versus "progressive," and "resistant" versus "adaptationist" forms. [15] However, Grant Wacker cautions that too strong an emphasis on the divisions within Protestantism loses sight of the interconnectedness of conservative and liberal Christians. [16] Nonetheless, from 1880 forward there were considerable issues and events that threatened evangelical unity. None the least of these was the erosion of optimism during the post Civil War era. According to Robert Wiebe, a general cultural crisis in this period amounted to a "widespread loss of confidence in the powers of community." Wiebe describes this zeitgeist, specifying how "countless citizens in towns and cities across the land sensed that something fundamentally was happening to their lives, something they did not want, and they responded by striking out at whatever enemies their view of the world allowed them to see." Ted Ownby delineates similar transformations occurring in the South at this time. As town and rural culture became more integrated (through innovations in travel, agriculture, and communication) the rough male culture of Main Street came in conflict with the evangelical culture of the home. This crisis of confrontation, says Ownby, led to evangelical efforts to bring moral reform to the towns. [17]

Evangelicals responded to these crises in a number of other fashions as well. Some turned inward, losing interest in societal reform, some flocked to the countless new Holiness and Pentecostal sects, others practiced and promoted a religion of the Holy Spirit (advocating healing of the body and soul). [18]

Scholars such as Randall Balmer, Paul Boyer, and Timothy Weber, who study the millennial ideologies of evangelicals, find that a groundswell change in end- times expectations occurred during this period. Paul Boyer's exhaustive study of prophecy and belief in American culture shows how evangelicals, now prone to see history spiraling into chaos and destruction before Jesus' return, widely accepted the theology of premillenialism. These evangelicals, Boyer notes, came to see programs of social and economic betterment as at best misguided and at worst demonic diversions from their soul-winning mission. According to Weber, premillennialism would not have won the day over the socially transformative postmillennialism if it were not for the post Civil War decline in an optimistic belief in progress. [19]

Other responses to cultural pressures and societal changes were not so dismal. The Holiness-Pentecostal churches formed in this era as a protest to main-line churches. As historian Charles Edwin Jones indicates, Holiness-Pentecostals felt threatened by the accommodations mainline churches made to materialism and modernism. New Holiness sects complained of the "diversion of enthusiasm from the salvation of souls to the building of institutions." [20] They also yearned for an environment conducive to spirit-filled or charismatic worship. This nostalgic sense of loss so pervaded all branches of evangelicalism that Grant Wacker argues that "Victorian culture is [still] ineradicably encoded in the genes of evangelical religion." Seeing themselves as moral custodians, Wacker argues, evangelicals of all stripes have long sought to preserve the values of Christian civilization. [21] Of course, a longing to set things right was not the only issue that led to the establishment of these new evangelical sects. Other scholars focus on the theological origins of the new evangelicals. Donald Dayton suggests that the roots of Holiness-Pentecostalism lie in the emergence of four theological doctrines during the second half of the nineteenth century: salvation, healing, baptism of the Holy Spirit, and the second coming of Christ. [22] The doctrines of healing and baptism of the Holy Spirit empowered believers to serve God and perform miraculous deeds. Accordingly, John Fea contends that fundamentalists were also particularly receptive to the idea of Holy Spirit empowerment. The fundamentalists' conviction "that God was powerfully active in the course of their [lives] and churches enabled them to accept their new religious status as outsiders." [23]

But to what extent were evangelicals outsiders? While it might be acknowledged that their views put them at odds with mainline, liberal Protestants, historians of evangelicalism have recently challenged the insider/outsider dichotomies so common in older works. In some ways these revisions amount to a rehabilitation of evangelicalism. Historical studies of the transatlantic character of evangelicalism are beginning to question the extent of American evangelicalism's isolation and idiosyncracy. [24] And although scholars have long debated whether or not conservative evangelicalism was a religion of escapism which thrived among America's dispossessed and marginalized, since the mid 1980s most scholars have abandoned the idea that much of evangelicalism was a religion of the disinherited. Wacker contends that the dispossession model assumes that faith is irrelevant or irrational if it does not foment social and economic protest. Wacker also criticizes this model for judging religious rewards to be less satisfying than material ones. In support of this revision, two recent studies show that contrary to older interpretations the Holiness movement in the late nineteenth century South was not manifested solely among the dispossessed, rural poor, but drew participants from a wide range of social and economic backgrounds. [25]

There are other problems with applying outsider status to evangelicalism. Some of the basic beliefs and practices of evangelicals in this period belie such distinctions. For instance, R. Laurence Moore suggests that the tradition of religious dissent fostered among radical evangelicals places them well within the mainstream of American culture. [26] Equally important, there were numerous ways that evangelicals adapted popular culture for proselytizing purposes (often sanctifying it in the process). A few historians have begun to look at the intersection of popular culture and evangelicalism. In a recent article in Religion and American Culture, Lillian Taiz examines how the Salvation Army applied working class entertainments in their inner-city revival work. Salvationists, states Taiz, "combined the culture of the saloon and music hall with a camp-meeting style and took it into the streets . . ." Abandoning the distinctions of sacred /profane and insider/outsider, Taiz shows how Salvationists marketed their religion in the competitive climate of urban culture. [27]

Along these same lines, historians might find it fruitful to examine the role of the popular press in the spread of revivals during this period. Kathryn Long studies this interaction during the Third Great Awakening and finds that "Although the Reformed clergy shaped the narrative of the 1857-58 Revival for later historians, newspapers told the story to most Americans in the spring of 1858." According to Long, religious and secular papers emulated each others' writing styles and helped organize and unify the language used to describe the event. [28] Did the popular press play an equally important role in the spread of Dwight Moody's and Billy Sunday's revivals? And what about the place of the popular press in the Holiness-Pentecostal revival occurring at roughly the same time?

Both T. J. Jackson Lears and R. Laurence Moore have provided valuable studies on the marketing of evangelical religion. In Selling God: American Religion in the Marketplace of Culture, Moore reveals the extent to which revivalists like Moody and Sunday fused religion and marketplace values. Similarly, Lears uncovers the merger of these two worlds. He adeptly shows how advertisers employed religious idioms, coopting and modifying them in order to appeal to consumers' religious sensibilities. [29] Such works on popular culture and evangelical religion should be a growing and rewarding area of study among the next generation of scholars. Through it historians of evangelicalism might move beyond the prevailing history of ideas and top-down models to the lived religion of the laity.

The study of race and gender in evangelicalism is also helping to locate the evangelical narrative in the quotidian. Although African-American religious groups seldom defined themselves as evangelicals, numerous black denominations parallel evangelicalism on issues of religious belief and worship. [30] New works are starting to engage both white and black evangelicals in a comparative framework. In the first integrated history of Southern Baptists, Paul Harvey finds that Baptists, although a mainline denomination by the late nineteenth century, are not easily pinned down. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the Baptists struggled with racial, gender, and doctrinal tensions. Harvey's Baptists, rendered with internal complexity, do not fit easily into a monolithic evangelical mold. He shows that although both black and white Baptists responded to the forces of revivalism, Progressivism, and Jim Crow, they did so in radically different fashions. [31]

There is still a significant paucity of good works on black evangelicalism, and some of the works are not necessarily thematic or interpretive. Consequently, much like the literature on the Civil Rights movement in the second half of the twentieth century, the scholarship on black evangelicalism is not yet adequately problematized or theorized. [32] Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, in one the better studies, combines both race and gender, looking at the ways women within the black Baptist church established positions of power even though they were barred from the ministry. As teachers, exhorters, and lay leaders these women were at once allied and separate from black men just as they were allied and separate from white women. [33]

The study of gender and evangelicalism is a burgeoning area of inquiry. This field is perhaps most capable of transforming the narrative of American evangelicalism. On the late Victorian period a theme of declension marks much of the work. Most scholars agree that although in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries women held positions of authority within evangelical churches, they were slowly squeezed out of these as church leaders attempted to re-masculinize evangelicalism. Studies by Janette Hassey, Betty Deberg, and Thekla Caldwell explain this occurrence by pointing to fundamentalism's withdrawal from social reform, its hardening of beliefs on Biblical inerrancy, and a growing male anxiety about the feminization of evangelical culture. [34]

Following these processes Gale Bederman looks at the Men and Religion Forward Movement and finds that this organization's explicit purpose was to remasculanize Protestant churches. The effects this had on women were devastating: "churchmen disbanded women's organizations [and] women church leaders lost their authority." As some scholars suggest, by World War I the success of evangelicalism may have hinged on the ability of church leaders to assert such rigid patriarchal authority. This shift, of course, paralleled a similar regressions in political culture and race relations. Rebecca Edwards notes the collapse of women's rights in political circles at roughly the same time. [35] Clearly these studies reveal an entirely new angle to the "great reversal" motif within evangelicalism.

Although the study of evangelicals in America has grown enormously since Henry May wrote "The Recovery of American Religious History," much has yet to be recovered on late Victorian evangelicalism. There is to date nothing in this field comparable to histories of popular religion in colonial America. [36] To a certain degree the field is still dominated by intellectual histories done from the top down. In part this is because historians of evangelicalism have not taken full advantage of the range of extent sources. Many have relied on institutional records and sources from the movement's leadership. Consequently, the documents of evangelicalism's rank and file remain unstudied; personal records, diaries, and correspondences are virtually untouched. [37] These sources might reveal how evangelicalism differed among the lower levels of the movement. Did doctrinal controversies plague the laity as it did church leaders? Did the laity differ significantly from the clergy in social or economic status? [38] How did the laity accept gender and racial norms within the movement?

In the coming years scholars may be looking at these and other areas in their search for late nineteenth century evangelicalism. Before the 1970s the history of evangelicalism in this period was not a dot on the horizon of American historiography. The state of the field has grown significantly in the last thirty years and will continue to advance in the twenty first century. As of yet, however, the amount of scholarship is not equal to the movement's numeric strength and cultural impact.


[1] Henry May, "The Recovery of American Religious History,"American Historical Review 70, no. 1 (Oct. 1964): 79-92. For a reappraisal of May see, Anne C. Loveland "Later Stages in the Recovery of American Religious History," in New Directions in American Religious History, ed. Harry S. Stout and D. G. Hart (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 487-502.

[2] For overviews of recent scholarship in religious history see, Robert A. Orsi, George Marsden, David W. Wills, Colleen McDannell, "Forum: The Decade Ahead in Scholarship," Religion and American Culture 3, no. 1 (Winter 1993): 1-28. Martin E. Marty, "American Religious History in the Eighties: A Decade of Achievement," Church History 63, no. 3 (Sept. 1993): Catholicism, 340-346; Judaism, 346-348; Later Day Saints, 348-350; minorities; 350-353. New methodologies applied to religious history include, gender, anthropology, psychology, and linguistic analysis. Marty, "The American Religious History Canon," Social Research 53, no. 3 (Autumn 1986): 520-525.

[3] Although evangelicalism in the late nineteenth century can be difficult to define, Mark Noll's and George Marsden's treatments are most apt. Noll describes evangelicals as the descendants of first generation fundamentalists, who adhered to Biblical literalism, anti-modernism, and emphasized religious conversion. Revivalism-best represented in the campaigns of Charles G. Finney, Dwight L. Moody, Billy Sunday, and Billy Graham-was a major feature of the evangelical movement. Evangelicals often came from older churches of British origin (Presbyterian, Baptist, Methodist, and to a lesser extent, Congregationalist and Episcopalian), but could also be found in the newer sects (Holiness, Pentecostal, and Restorationist). Mark A. Noll, Between Faith and Criticism: Evangelicals, Scholarship, and the Bible in America (San Francisco: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1986), 1-5. George M. Marsden, Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1991), 1-6.

[4] Leonard I. Sweet, "The Evangelical Tradition in America," in The Evangelical Tradition in America, ed. Leonard I. Sweet (Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1984), 1-86. Some of the more significant works he discusses include: Alan Heimert, Religion and the American Mind (1966), Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1790 (1982), Donald G. Mathews, Religion in the Old South (1977), Albert J. Raboteau, Slave Religion (1978), Amanda Porterfield, Feminine Spirituality in America (1980), Ernest Sandeen, The Roots of Fundamentalism (1970), George M. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture (1980).

[5] Ibid., 73, 74. Henry May described this aversion to conservative religion in what he called the "Parringtonian synthesis." Vernon Parrington and other progressive historians described the movement of American thought away from rigid religious orthodoxies and towards enlightenment. The victory of scientific naturalism after 1860 was the triumphal denouement to this secular teleology. Michael Gauvreau, "Baconianism, Darwinism, Fundamentalism: A Transatlantic Crisis of Faith," Journal of Religious History 13, no. 4 (Dec. 1985): 438.

[6] David Moberg and Timothy Smith employed the phrase "great reversal" to describe this shift. The period in which revivalistic evangelicals acted as the vanguard of social reform was replaced by an era in which the majority of evangelicals were characterized by a "lopsided emphasis upon evangelism" with the "omission of most aspects of social involvement." Moberg, The Great Reversal: Evangelism Versus Social Concern, (Philadelphia and New York: J. B. Lippincott and Company, 1972), 26. Timothy L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform: American Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil War, (Gloucester, Massachusetts: Peter Smith, 1976), 212. For a more concise, historical look at the period of the "great reversal" see, James Davidson Hunter, American Evangelicalism: Conservative Religion and the Quandary of Modernity (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1983), 23-34.

[7] John T. McGreevy, "Faith and Morals in the United States, 1865-Present," Reviews in American History 26, no. 1 (1998): 241, 242.

[8] Loveland, "Later Stages of the Recovery of American Religious History," 488- 493.

[9] These include: Donald Dayton (the roots of American Holiness-Pentecostalism), Joel Carpenter (twentieth century American fundamentalism), Nathan Hatch (evangelicalism in the early national period), George Marsden (fundamentalism in the late Victorian era), Mark Noll (evangelicalism and religious scholarship), Harry Stout (evangelicalism in the eighteenth century), and Grant Wacker (the Holiness-Pentecostal tradition). Sweet, "Wise as Serpents, Innocent as Doves: The New Evangelical Historiography," Journal of the American Academy of Religion 56, no. 3 (Fall 1988): 397, 403, 411, 413. In the 1980s, Noll argued that not "since before the turn of the century have evangelicals participated in the larger scholarly community as they have done during the last two decades." Noll, Between Faith and Criticism, 129

[10] George Marsden, "The Ambiguities of Academic Freedom," Church History 62, no. 2 (June 1994): 228, 233, 234.

[11] Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (Toronto: Vintage Books, 1962), 117-141.

[12] Premillennialism grew out of both Millerism in mid-nineteenth century America and John Nelson Darby's Bible prophecy movement which germinated in America from the 1870s forward. According to premillenial dispensationalism the present dispensation, the Church age, would end in judgement and the "historical kingdom of Christ on earth [would] be established in a future millennium." C. Norman Kraus, "Dispensationalism," in Eerdrman's Handbook to Christianity in America, ed. Mark A. Noll, Nathan O. Hatch, George M. Marsden, David F. Wells, John D. Woodbridge (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdman's Publishing Company, 1983), 327.; H. Ray Dunning, "Dispensationalism," in Beacon Dictionary of Theology, ed. Richard S. Taylor (Kansas City, Missouri: Beacon Hill Press of KC, 1983), 168.

[13] Ernest Sandeen, The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800-1930 (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1970). Discussed in Martin Marty, "The American Religious History Canon," 516-518. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture: The Shaping of Twentieth Century Evangelicalism, 1870 - 1925 (Oxford, New York, Melbourne, and Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1980), 3-8, 14-16, 55-62.

[14] Noll, "Common Sense Traditions and American Evangelical Thought," American Quarterly 37, no. 2 (Summer 1985), 221, 223, 233. Relatedly, Marsden describes how evangelicals spin history: "Modern History is of interest only as it produces some facts that document the cultural decline predicted in the Bible." "Evangelicals, History, and Modernity," in Evangelicalism and Modern America ed. George Marsden (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1984), 96. Gauvreau, "Baconianism, Darwinianism, Fundamentalism," 440-441.

[15] Martin Marty, Pilgrims in There Own Land: 500 Years of Religion in America (Boston and Toronto: Little, Brown and Company, 1984), 297-298.

[16] Grant Wacker, "The Holy Spirit and the Spirit of the Age in American Protestantism, 1880-1910," Journal of American History 72, no. 1 (June 1985), 47-49, 51.

[17] Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967), 44. Ted Ownby, Subduing Satan: Religion, Recreation, and Manhood in the Rural South, 1865-1920 (Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 167-193. T. J. Jackson Lears speaks of a more far-reaching disaffection with modern culture in No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981), 4-7.

[18] According to Vinson Synan, between 1893 and 1900, twenty-three new Holiness sects emerged in the South. And from the Methodist Church alone the exodus of members numbered roughly 100,000. Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition, 41-43. Workers in mill towns eagerly flocked to Holiness and later Pentecostal churches. Between 1901-1920 in Gaston County, N. C., "ten of thirty new village churches belonged to the newer sects, and from 1921-1939, twenty-six of forty- four." I. A. Newby, Plain Folk in the New South: Social Change and Cultural Persistence, 1880-1915 (Baton Rouges and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1989), 406.

[19] Paul Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy Belief in American Culture (London and Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), 90-100. Timothy Weber, "Premillennialism and the Branches of Evangelicalism," in The Variety of American Evangelicalism ed. Donald W. Dayton and Robert K. Johnston (Downer's Grove, Illinois: InterVarsity Press, 1991), 11. See also Randall Balmer, "'Thy Kingdom Come': Apocalypticism in American Culture," 21-22. For an assessment of the centrality of millennialism in the Pentecostal tradition, see William Faupel, The Everlasting Gospel: The Significance of Eschatology in the Development of Pentecostal Thought (Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996). At the other end of the ideological spectrum, James H. Moorhead examines liberal Protestants' postmillennialism. In his assessment this optimistic eschatology was in tune with an emerging ethos of consumerism and Progressivism. Moorhead, World Without End: Mainstream American Protestant Visions of the Last Things, 1880-1925 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999).

[20] Examples of these newer sects include: the Free Methodist Church, the Fire- Baptized Holiness Church, the Church of God (Anderson, Indiana), the Pentecostal Church of the Nazarene, and the Apostolic Holiness Union. Charles Edwin Jones, "The Holiness Complaint with Late-Victorian Methodism," in Rethinking Methodist History: A Bicentennial Historical Consultation, Russell E. Richey and Kenneth Rowe, eds. (Nashville: Kingswood Books, United Methodist Pub. House, 1985), 62, 63. Jones also alludes to the return to an evangelism of the past in Perfectionist Persuasion: The Holiness Movement and American Methodism, 1867- 1936 (Metuchen, New Jersey: The Scarecrow Press Inc., 1974), 79-82. David Edwin Harrell Jr. discusses such religious revolts occurring in the South from 1885 forward in "The evolution of Plain-Folk Religion in the South,"in Varieties of Southern Religious Experience, ed. Samuel S. Hill (Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1988).

[21] Wacker, "Searching for Norman Rockwell: Popular Evangelicalism in Contemporary America," in The Evangelical Tradition in America, 311-313.

[22] Dayton, The Theological Roots of Pentecostalism (Metuchen, New Jersey: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1987), 11, 173-174. Pentecostals often speak of a four- square gospel, using these doctrines to identify themselves.

[23] John Fea, "Power from on High in an Age of Ecclesiastical Impotence: The 'Enduement of the Holy Spirit' in American Fundamentalist Thought, 1880-1936," Fides Et Historia 26, no. 6 (Summer 1994): 26-27.

[24] Michael Gauvreau, "The Empire of Evangelicalism: Varieties of Common Sense in Scotland, Canada, and the United States," 219-252, "Fundamentalism and Varieties of North Atlantic Evangelicalism," 333-350, Edith Blumhofer, "Transatlantic Currents in North Atlantic Pentecostalism," 351-364, in Evangelicalism: Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, the British Isles, and Beyond, 1700-1990, ed. Mark A. Noll, David W. Bebbington, and George A. Rawlyk (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994). For a discussion of the international appeal of the healing movement see, Nancy A. Hardesty, "The Transatlantic Roots of the Holiness-Pentecostal Healing Movement," in American Society of Church History Papers (Portland, Oregon: The American Society of Church History, 1998), 1-13.

[25] Robert Mapes Anderson's Vision of the Disinherited: The Making of American Pentecostalism asserted that individuals most likely to responded to Pentecostalism were those who suffered from "status anxiety" and were on the economic and social margins of society. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 113. Wacker, "Taking Another Look at the Vision of the Disinherited," Religious Studies Review 8, no. 1 (January, 1982): 18, 19, 20. Briane K. Turley, A Wheel within a Wheel: Southern Methodism and the Georgia Holiness Association (Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1999), 7, 89-114. John Lawrence Brasher, The Sanctified South: John Lakin Brasher and the Holiness Movement (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 123, 173.

[26] R. Laurence Moore, Religious Outsiders and the Making of Americans (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), vii, xi, xv. Hunter also argues that "American Evangelicalism is a socioreligious phenomenon rooted in the mainstream (not the sectarian margin) of the nineteenth century American Protestant experience . . ." American Evangelicalism, 23.

[27] Lillian Taiz, "Applying the Devil's Work in a Holy Cause: Working-Class Popular Culture and the Salvation Army in the United States, 1879-1900" Religion and American Culture 7, no. 2 (Summer 1997): 195-197.

[28] Kathryn Long, The Revival of 1857-58: Interpreting an American Religious Awakening (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 26-45, 27.

[29] Moore, Selling God: American Religion in the Marketplace of Ideas (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 173-203. Lears, "From Salvation to Self-Realization: Advertising and the Therapeutic Roots of the Consumer Culture, 1880-1930," in The Culture of Consumption: Critical Essays in American History, 1880-1980, ed. Richard Wightman Fox and T. J. Jackson Lears (New York : Pantheon Books, 1983)

[30] Milton G. Sernett doubts whether black churches can be considered evangelical. Black Baptists and Methodists, says Sernett, seldom identified with fundamentalism and were largely distinct from white denominations in the post Civil War period. "Black Religion and the Question of Evangelical Identity," in The Variety of American Evangelicalism, 137-142.

[31] Paul Harvey, Redeeming the South: Religious Cultures and Racial Identities among Southern Baptists, 1865-1925 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 1-13.

[32] William Montgomery's Under Their Own Vine and Fig Tree: The African-American Church in the South, 1865-1900 is primarily a guide to the institutional development of black churches during reconstruction. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1993).

[33] Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent: The Women's Movement in the Black Baptist Church, 1880-1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 120-149. For a similar assessment of the double consciousness of black women in the South, see Glenda Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996). On this ambiguous legacy Cheryl Townsend Gilkes remarks that although the major black Pentecostal bodies denied women ordination, women nonetheless assumed powerful roles as exhorters, church mothers, missionaries, teachers, and deaconesses. Gilkes, "'Together and in Harness': Women's Traditions in the Sanctified Church," Signs 10, no. 4 (Summer 1985): 683.

[34] For a review of the pertinent work on gender and religion see, David G. Hackett, "Gender and Religion in American Culture, 1870-1930," Religion and American Culture 5, no. 2 (Summer 1995), 127-157. Janette Hassey, No Time For Silence: Evangelical Women in Public Ministry Around the Turn of the Century (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Academie Books, 1986); Betty DeBerg, Ungodly Women: Gender and the First Wave of American Fundamentalism (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990); Thekla Caldwell, "Women, Men, and Revival: The Third Awakening in Chicago" (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Chicago, 1991).

[35] Gail Bederman, "'The Women Have Had Charge of the Church Work Long Enough': The Men and Religion Forward Movement of 1911-1912 and the Masculinization of Middle-Class Protestantism," in A Mighty Baptism: Race, Gender, and the Creation of American Protestantism ed. Susan Juster (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1996), 107-112, 138. Randall Balmer notes the continuation of separate spheres ideology among fundamentalists long after its demise in the broader culture, "American Fundamentalism: The Ideal of Femininity," in Fundamentalism and Gender, ed. John Stratton Hawley (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994) 52-53. Robert F. Martin, "Billy Sunday and Christian Manliness," The Historian 58, no. 4 (Summer 1996): 811-812. Rebecca Edwards, Angels in the Machinery: Gender in American Party Politics from the Civil War to the Progressive Era (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 111- 132. On race relations, see C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957). Also, Jack Temple Kirby, Darkness at the Dawning: Race and Reform in the Progressive South (Philadelphia, New York, and Toronto: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1972). Although some historians argue that Pentecostals were gender and race rebels in these years of growing patriarchalism (see for example Iain MacRobert, The Black Roots and White Racism of Early Pentecostalism in the U. S. A. (New York: Saint Martins Press, 1988), it is not clear to what extent they actually were. Joe Creech argues that the Church of God (Cleveland), even after it became Pentecostal, was antagonistic to "racial mingling, and women had little place in the C. O. G. hierarchy." Creech, "Visions of Glory: The Place of the Azusa Street Revival in Pentecostal History," Church History 65, no. 3 (1996): 415. Additionally, David G. Roebuck posits that the C. O. G. limited the roles of women ministers because "the original premise upon which they ministered-that Spirit-baptism in these 'last days' equips women for ministry-failed to impute authority to women." Roebuck, "Limiting Liberty: The Church of God and Women Ministers, 1886-1896" (Ph.D. diss., Nashville: Vanderbilt University, 1997), 4. Nonetheless, when compared to mainline denominations, Holiness-Pentecostal sects offered women and minorities opportunities to exercise power often denied them in society. In the early twentieth century some of the more visible leaders and evangelists in the movement were women. See, Susie Cunningham Stanley, Feminist Pillar of Fire: The Life of Alma White (Cleveland, Ohio: Pilgrim Press, 1993). Edith L. Blumhofer, Aimee Semple McPherson: Everybody's Sister (Grand Rapids, Michigan: W. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1993). Wayne E. Warner, The Woman Evangelist: The Life and Times of Charismatic Evangelist Maria B. Woodworth-Etter (Metuchen, New Jersey: Scarecrow Press, 1986). Robert Stanley Ingersol, "Burden of Dissent: Mary Lee Cagle and the Southern Holiness Movement" (Ph.D. thesis, Duke University, 1989).

[36] Such as, Patricia U. Bonomi, Under the Cope of Heaven: Religion, Society, and Politics in Colonial America (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986). David D. Hall, Worlds of Wonder, Days of Judgement: Popular Religious Belief in Early New England (New York: Knopf, 1989). Jon Butler, Awash in a Sea of Faith: Christianizing the American Republic (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1990).

[37] David Bundy, "The Historiography of the Wesleyan/Holiness Tradition," Wesleyan Theological Journal 30, no. 1 (Spring 1995): 70.

[38] Mickey Crews suggests that in the Church of God there was a difference: "Although the overwhelming majority of Church of God members and ministers came from the lower socioeconomic classes, their principal spokesmen did not." Church of God: A Social History (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990), 6.

Emerging Church Economics

There are too many errors in this book for unsophisticated readers. McLaren’s book has value only to readers who recognize the mistakes but are willing to learn about a position that springs from ideology and a theological framework. For me, the emerging church movement is enough to consider by itself without flawed economics intertwined

Mordecai Kaplan: Rethinking Judaism for the New World

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